The Nameless War
CHAPTER 9
THE SHAPE OF THINGS TO COME
If the
new-found knowledge of Hitler's anxiety to
preserve the British Empire has come as a
surprise recently to many people in this
country, it must surely have come as a real
shock to them to learn that President
Roosevelt, on the other hand, was its
inveterate enemy; that he was not only a
pro-communist of Jewish origin, but that
before he brought America into the war he
made it clear that he wished to break up the
British Empire.
His son,
Colonel Elliot Roosevelt, makes this last
point very clear in his book, As He
Saw It, recently published in the
U.S.A.
On pages
19 to 28 of this book, Colonel Roosevelt
tells us that in August 1941, his Father,
having given out to the American people that
he was going off on a fishing trip, actually
proceeded to a meeting with Mr. Churchill on
board a warship in Argentia Bay.
Lord
Beaverbrook, Sir Edward Cadogan, and Lord
Cherwell (Professor Lindeman of doubtful
race and nationality), and Mr. Averil
Harriman were present, he says.
On page
35 he quotes his Father as saying,
"After the
war . . . there will have to be the
greatest possible freedom of trade . . .
no artificial barriers."
Mr.
Churchill referred to the British Empire
Trade Agreements, and Mr. Roosevelt replied,
"Yes. Those
Empire Trade Agreements are a case in
point. It's because of them that the
peoples of India, Africa, and of all the
Colonial Near East are still as backward
as they are . . .
I can't
believe that we can fight a war against
Fascist slavery, and at the same time
not work to free people all over the
world from a backward colonial policy."
"The
peace," said Father firmly, "cannot include
any continued despotism."
This
insolent talk against the British Empire
became so pronounced that on page 31 Colonel
Roosevelt reports Mr.Churchill as saying,
"Mr.President, I believe you are trying
to do away with the British Empire."
This comment
was very near the mark, as the President had
been talking about India, Burma, Egypt,
Palestine, Indo-China, Indonesia, and all
the African Colonies having to be "freed."
On page
115, the Colonel reports his Father as
saying,
"Don't think
for a moment, Elliot, that Americans
would be dying in the Pacific tonight if
it hadn't been for the short-sighted
greed of the French, the British and the
Dutch. Shall we allow them to do it all
over again?"
These
were not at all the reasons, however, given
for the war, and for which Americans thought
they were dying; nor indeed does the
President make any reference as to the
pretexts given to his countrymen for the
war.
The
British, dying in greater numbers, have on
the contrary been told that they are dying
to defend their Empire from Hitler's wicked
plans. Little do they suspect, that it is
their so-called ally who plans its
destruction.
The
President is reported as saying, on page
116:
"When we've
won the war, I will see that the U.S.A.
is not wheedled into any plans that will
aid or abet the British Empire in its
Imperialist ambitions."
And a few
pages later:
"I have tried
to make it clear to Winston and the
others . . . that they must never get
the idea that we are in it just to help
them hang on to the archaic and medieval
Empire ideas."
Those who
sup with the devil need a long spoon. Mr.
Churchill, the self-styled "constant
architect of the Jews' future," now found
himself playing second fiddle to an even
more trusted architect; so eminent, in fact,
that he did not make any silly pretensions
of respect for the British Empire.
The
earlier Moses, Karl Marx, had denounced the
Empire long ago, and in the year 1941, it
was only foolish opponents of Judaism and
Marxism, like Herr Hitler, who were anxious
to stand by that Empire, because they
recognised it as a bulwark of Christian
civilisation.
Although,
as we have seen, Mr. Churchill is shown in
this book as getting a little petulant from
time to time over the President's
pronouncements regarding the liquidation of
the Empire, this did not prevent him from
announcing himself later to the House of
Commons as "Roosevelt's ardent lieutenant."
Under
what special circumstances the King's Prime
Minister could be an ardent lieutenant of a
Republican President, whose design it was to
destroy that Monarch's Empire, Mr. Churchill
did not explain; nor has he yet done so.
On
another occasion, Mr. Churchill made an
equally cryptic remark. He assured the House
of Commons,
"It is no
part of my duties, to preside over the
liquidation of the British Empire."
No,
indeed! Nor was it any part of his duties,
on being told that it was to be liquidated,
to pronounce himself to be the ardent
lieutenant of the would-be liquidator. Nor,
we might add, when Minister of Defence, with
Admiralty and other codes at his disposal,
was it any part of his duties, as Mr.
Chamberlain's lieutenant, albeit not very
ardent, to conduct a personal correspondence
of the nature which he did conduct with
President Roosevelt by means of the top
secret code of the American Foreign Office.
Next
-
Chapter 10
|
|